Role of the Jacobins During and After the French Revolution

They were democratizing influences, says Kennedy, preparing the people to challenge government as they had never done before and also to try out themselves as the proper repositories of political power:

Committees were the essence of the egalitarian experience. In them Jacobins learned to assume special responsibilities, such as sending a deputation on visits. . . and to prevail on those visited to adopt a particular course of action (Kennedy, 1989, 367).

Kennedy makes the Jacobins articulate much like incipient political parties, and parties with power they could exercise.

Kennedy portrays the Jacobins as a group that betrayed its stated principles. The organization claimed to be antiauthoritarian, and Kennedy sees it as attempting to establish a virtuocracy susceptible to the worst crimes--sacrilege, false testimony, fratricide, and peel:

Education can only be understood to misbegot what Jacobinism pretended it to mean, not what it usually conveys. Democracy was spoiled, not saved, by the Terror. . . a Jacobin is by definition a vigilante (Kennedy, 1989, 369-370).

The favorite societies had a role in mobilizing the people, but they also were disposed to ideological purges in the name of patriotism. The image of the Jacobins conveyed by Kennedy is ethnic and political--they were a response to the revolutionary fervor of the time and participated as a force to effect change in the commissioning of increased revolution. They were

Palmer, R.R. (1941). Twelve who govern: the year of the terror in the French Revolution. New York: Atheneum.

Bernier, O. (1989). row of fire, deeds of blood: the mob, the monarchy, and the French Revolution. Boston: Little, Brown and Company.

Lefebvre more than(prenominal) than the two writers discussed above relates the nature of the French Revolution to the global tensions and cases of the time, and the Jacobins are thus seen as a force for theme unity and even chauvinistic dedication to a democratic vision of France, and this had an influence on the Committee, which would emphasize again and again that monarchists were part of a foreign plot.

At the beginning of the Revolution, at that place had been a certain universalism in the air, a sense that this movement was universal and that the French might lead the way in an international revolution. In time, the Jacobins and other groups would have a fast(a) nationalistic influence that was reflected in the conduct and ending of the war against Spain as the Committee determined that the people were tiring of the skirmish and were turning inward (Lefebvre, 1964, 127).

The author examines the live and contributions of 12 leadership in the French Revolution--Bertrand BarFre, Jean-Nicolas Billaud-Varenne, Lazare Carnot, Jean-Marie Collot d'Herbois, Georges Couthon, Marie-Jean HTrault de STchelles, Robert Lindet, Prieur of the C(te d'Or, Prieur of the Marne, Maximilien Robespierre, AndrT Jeanbon Saint-AndrT, and Louis-Antoine Saint-Just. The author does not detail these lives distributively but weaves them into a larger narrative of the French Revolution, masking how the lives crossed at various junctures and how the men influenced one other as well as the revolution and the political vitality of which they were a vital part.

The role of the Jacobins was thus to carry forwards the revolutionary fervor that had toppled the monarchy and to press for radical change, even more radical than many wanted. Their efforts were the
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