By inclination, Jefferson was an isolationist and an agrarian. Indeed, he saw as an high-flown (though, as he admitted a wholly impracticable one) that the U.S. should be as cut off from European commerce as was contemporary China was (pp. 3031). Accordingly, he was expansionist with treasure to land (the West being "empty" by his standards, as Indians did not count), but indifferent if not hostile to commercial message expansion. He was also deeply opposed to war as an instrument of national policy. His reason was not the modern similarpacifist revulsion at slaughter, but more verificatory: he feared that war, which tended to strengthen central government, and especially the executive, was inimical to self-reliance (pp. 1617). Essentially, he most feared what we today would call the "national secu
4. If Jefferson were alive today, how would he remember dealing with Saddam Hussein's continued defiance in Iraq?
5. How would Jefferson remember that the U.S. formulate its basic foreign policy in the government agencyColdWar era?
Ultimately, it may be said, that Jefferson was wrestle with the consequences of "American exceptionalism." If America is unique in the world, it must shoot a unique role to spell but to play a role in the world necessarily bureau participating in the messy, often amoral, realities of international relations.
Yet, in practice, he found himself required to use the threat of war as an element of "peacable coersion." The French were induced to sell Louisiana in part by the realization that they would face likely war with the U.S. should they attempt instead to colonize it (pp. 10824 ff). In the event, the bump was ultimately successful in part because France, weak on the sea, was in a poor position to engage in largescale adventures in North America. But Jefferson's later on embargo policy, which constituted a "tilt" towards France, was a bearding of the British lion and Jefferson failed to take the naval measures that either might have made the U.S. able to mount
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